The walls were hung with tapestries depicting symbols of the Russian state. The Czars would have recognized the modern Russian eagle, not so very different from the eagle of Imperial Russia. They would have had no trouble understanding the motivations of the current President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Orlov. He sat in a chair that was just slightly larger than the others at the head of the table. He looked fashionable, like a model from a gentleman's magazine. He wore a dark blue suit that had been tailored in London, accented by a perfect cream-colored shirt and a red silk tie.
Orlov had called the meeting to discuss the next steps in his plan to regain Russian control of Eastern Europe. Sitting on his right was General of the Army Evgeni Kuznetsov. After the coup, Orlov had promoted Kuznetsov to the position of the Federation's top ground forces officer. To his left was Lieutenant General Kiril Golovkin, head of the GRU, military intelligence.
Golovkin was a tall, narrow man with thinning black hair. His face was all sharp angles and planes, the skin drawn tight over high cheekbones underneath beady black eyes. He looked like a predatory bird and had a shrewd mind that seldom forgot anything. His position made him one of the most powerful men in the Federation. No leader of Russia would survive long without the backing of the Glavnoye Razvedyvatel'noye Upravleniy. The GRU was Russia's largest intelligence agency, more than six times as large as SVR. Larger did not always mean better but Golovkin's web was spun far and wide. There was little that escaped his notice.
Next to Golovkin was Colonel General Pyotr Krupin, Commander of the Western Military District, headquartered in St. Petersburg. Krupin had only recently been promoted to his high rank, reward for his participation in the coup that had brought Orlov to power. For some time Krupin had been occupied with events in Eastern Ukraine. He was one of the major thinkers behind the successful annexation of Crimea.
Sitting next to Krupin was Admiral of the Fleet Nikolai Akulov. Akulov commanded the Baltic Fleet, headquartered in the Kaliningrad Oblast and stationed out of Baltiysk and Kronshtadt.
On Krupin's left was Colonel General Viktor Brezhnev, commander of the Russian Air Force. He looked something like a black haired toad. Brezhnev was a distant cousin of the former chairman of the Communist Party.
The last and most junior man present was Major General Alexei Vysotsky, First Deputy Director of SVR, the civilian counterpart to Golovkin's organization and the sharp spear point of Russian foreign intelligence. Vysotsky had become a key player in the events now taking place in central Europe. Notably absent was his boss, Boris Vishinski, who had not been invited to the meeting.
A carafe of water, a glass and a bowl of mints rested on the table in front of each man's chair. No paper or pen had been provided for taking notes. This was not the kind of meeting where notes were welcome. A gleaming brass samovar hissed quietly on a sideboard nearby, next to a tray of crystal cups.
Orlov began.
"General Vysotsky. Please brief us on events in Macedonia."
Vysotsky cleared his throat and wished there was vodka in the glass in front of him instead of water.
"The operation against Todorovski was delayed because of Mitreski's bumbling attempt against him. The outcome is satisfactory nonetheless. As you know, our operative was successful in carrying out the assignment and was able to leave the country without difficulty."
"Is there any way the assassination can be tied to us?" Orlov asked.
"None, Mister President," Vysotsky said.
"Go on."
"His death has created confusion. Many people blame Mitreski. There have been continuing demonstrations and calls for revolution but as you predicted, Mister President, the focus of anger is now shifting. Following our advice, Mitreski has been successful in convincing the populace that Islamic Albanian nationalists are responsible for Todorovski's death. Macedonian ground forces have crossed the border. The country is mobilizing for war. The airport has been closed except to military traffic and Mitreski has declared martial law. He's called up the reserves and instituted a curfew on the civilian population."
Orlov smiled.
"Mitreski is nothing if not predictable. How is his invasion going?"
"Not well," Vysotsky said. "Even with the equipment we provided he has been unable to penetrate more than twenty to thirty kilometers from his starting points. Resistance by the Albanians is obstinate. Winter weather has hampered the advance. The Albanians are rushing reinforcements to the front. I predict a campaign that will go nowhere. Neither the Albanians or the Macedonians have an advantage."
"A static front?"
"Exactly, Mister President."
Orlov's smile grew wider. "What is the Western reaction?"
"An emergency meeting has been called by NATO in Brussels. Albania is seeking immediate assistance according to the terms of the alliance. NATO is obliged to intervene."
"Of course," Orlov said. "But will they? And if they do, when?"
"There is no stomach for another Balkan adventure but they have little choice," Vysotsky said. "First there will be calls for mediation, diplomatic overtures, the sort of ineffective nonsense that the West seems to enjoy. That will allow time for increasing the flow of war matériel to Mitreski."
"How prepared is NATO to respond?"
"I can answer that." Golovkin interrupted. His voice was dry, without warmth.
"The short answer is not very. Their forces are scattered among the members of the alliance. Releasing men into a NATO peacekeeping effort depends on the ability of the political leadership of each country to convince their legislative bodies to cooperate. It is like that old proverb about herding cats."
"What about their rapid deployment force?"
"It is currently stationed in Poland, what there is of it. They'll be forced to divert equipment and men to Albania if they want to respond to the crisis there. It's a logistical nightmare. My intelligence indicates that arguments have already begun between the member states. No one wants to risk their citizens to save the Albanians. No one gives a shit about the Albanians."
"Have they begun to withdraw from Poland?"
"It's too early to say," Golovkin said, "but transports have been arriving at the Joint Force Training Centre in Bydgoszcz where they've been stockpiling equipment. Assuming NATO's high command decides to intervene, I predict they will move as much as they can to Tirana as quickly as possible. As General Vysotsky pointed out, they really don't have much choice. They may not like it, but if they don't come to Albania's assistance it will undermine the entire alliance."
"As we predicted," Orlov said. "Good. Colonel General Krupin? What is the current situation on the border with Ukraine?"
"Everything is on schedule, Mister President. The talks with Kiev are purposefully cordial. Withdrawals of some of our forces are underway. Western intelligence will decide that it is a ploy and that we are contemplating a full invasion. Of course we continue to deny our presence in the area. The general impression being given is one of cooperation in an effort to persuade the West to remove the sanctions while we continue to assert that we are merely conducting military exercises. It explains the extensive movements of our forces."
"What is the status of morale among the ground forces?"
"Morale is high. The troops have been paid and rations have been increased."
"The new tanks?"
"Thirty-two of the T-14 Armatas are in position for Bright Sword. They were moved at night and heavily camouflaged with our new stealth technology. I do not believe they have been detected."
"Your commanders?"