Выбрать главу

189. Afanas’ev 1975 (1872), 45–49.

190. Dal’ 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 275.

191. Platonov 1984–85, vol. 2, 178–204.

192. From Kon’s interview with Larisa Kuznetsova 1980, 189.

193. Attwood 1990, 95.

194. But see Kharchev 1979, 201–2, 230, where impotence is explicitly (but very briefly) discussed.

In his recent book on sexology Kon says that “in contemporary society” (he does not refer specifically to Russian or Soviet society) “the emancipation of women” can sometimes cause “psychogenic impotence” in men reared according to traditional ideas of male dominance. See Kon 1988, 120–21. For a detailed theoretical discussion of the causes of psychogenic impotence, see Rancour-Laferriere 1985, 317–30.

195. As quoted by Francine du Plessix Gray 1990, 76.

196. For detailed arguments on this topic, see my Signs of the Flesh (1985).

197. Nemilov 1932 (1930), 194–95, italics added.

198. Attwood 1990, 127.

199. Lapidus 1978, 288.

200. See, for example: Kharchev 1970, 18; Kharchev and Golod 1971, 162, 163; Lapidus 1978, 287; Iankova 1978, 126; Attwood 1990, 170ff.; Boiko 1988, 194.

201. Holt 1980, 45.

202. Hansson and Lidén 1983, xv.

203. Bridger 1987, 136–38.

204. Baranskaia 1989 (1969), 301.

205. Hansson and Lidén 1983, 16.

206. Sysenko 1981, 67.

207. For example, Rodzinskaia 1981, 109; Bridger 1987, 138ff.

208. Attwood 1990, 177; Kuznetsova 1987, 23. Cf. Shlapentokh 1984, 208; Bridger 1987, 142ff.

209. Shlapentokh 1984, 182; Bridger 1987, 142ff.

210. Gray 1990, 69.

211. For example: Gray 1990, 59; Allott 1985, 197; Shineleva 1990, 84.

212. See, for example, a cartoon by A. Gartvich which appeared on the back page of Literaturnaia gazeta, 8 May 1991.

213. Goldberg 1992, 8.

214. Gray 1990, 83.

215. Mamaladze 1985, 11.

216. Lapidus 1988, 111; Shlapentokh 1984, 176.

217. See, for example, Sysenko 1981, 77; Boiko 1988, 209; Buckley 1989, 197.

218. Zaslavskaya 1989, 137.

219. Ibid.

220. Zaslavskaya 1990, 95.

221. E.g., Shineleva 1990, 84.

222. Thanks to Barbara Milman for the algebra.

223. As quoted from Izvestiia by Buckley 1989, 203.

224. Quoted from a flyer published in Women East-West, September, 1991, p. 17.

225. Scott 1992, 18.

226. Heuvel 1992, 13.

227. Arutiunian 1992, 189.

228. See Gurova 1992, 10; Azhgikhina 1993.

229. Goldberg 1992, 8.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 8

1. Among the observed physiological effects of the bania on the bather are: increased pulse, increased respiratory rate, slightly increased body temperature, significant decrease in body weight (due to heavy perspiration), decreased muscle strength, etc. Flagellation by means of the veniki supposedly increases peripheral blood circulation. See Godlevskii 1883.

2. Shukshin 1975, vol. 1, 447.

3. As quoted by Cross 1991, 34.

4. Olearius 1967 (1656), 161.

5. Kabanov 1986, 136.

6. Smith 1976, 117, 118.

7. Dal’ 1955 (1880–82), vol. 1, 45.

8. Dal’ 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 170, 173.

9. Dal’ 1955 (1880–82), vol. 1, 45.

10. Zelenin 1991 (1927), 284.

11. See Ivanits 1989, 60, 161–62.

12. Thanks to Gary Rosenshield for pointing out this passage.

13. Dal’ 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 170.

14. Dal’ 1955 (1880–82), vol. 1, 45, 331.

15. Dal’ 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 193.

16. Zoshchenko 1978, vol. 1, 107–9.

17. Selivanov 1990, Illustrations 60 and 61.

18. Dal’ 1955 (1880–82), vol. 1, 83.

19. For examples of flogging by means of the birch, see: Kolchin 1987, 73, 76, 124, 262; Belliustin 1985 (1858), 73. Steven Hoch (1986) reports that, of 4,187 recorded instances of punishment meted out to serfs on the estate of Petrovskoe in Tambov province in the early to mid-nineteenth century, 97.8 percent consisted of whipping by means of a birch rod (“rozga”).

20. Dal’ 1984 (1862), vol. 1, 173.

21. Ibid., 175.

22. Dal’ 1955 (1880–82), vol. 1, 83.

23. See: Sakharov 1989 (1885), 347ff.; Shein 1898, 344ff.; Shapovalova 1977; Sokolova 1979, 188ff.; Gromyko 1986, 181–93; Gromyko 1991, 345–60; Bernshtam 1988, 175ff.; Zelenin 1991 (1927), 153, 395; Propp 1963, 58ff., 75ff., 95ff.; Propp 1975, 7; Hubbs 1988, 71–74; Brudnyi 1968, 97–100; Warner and Kustovskii 1990, 28–30; Arutiunian 1992, 394; Stites 1992, 114, 140, 172. See also Roberta Reeder’s informative comments to Propp 1975, 81ff.

24. Okudzhava 1992, 5. The subtext is the title of a Soviet film “There Is No Peace Beneath the Olives” (thanks to Yuri Druzhnikov for this information).

25. E.g., Propp 1961, 298. Tree names were utilized as signals during matchmaking ceremonies (Dal’ 1955, vol. 1, 83). The droopy flexibility of the birch probably explains why “birch” was a code word for “yes” during matchmaking, while the inflexible uprightness of the pine, fir, and oak is the likely reason why these trees represented a negative reply to the matchmaker.

26. Klimas 1991.

27. Propp 1963, 77.

28. Komarovich 1982 (1936), 9.

29. For example Matorin 1931, 22.

30. Tolstaia 1992, 22.

31. Bernshtam 1988, 175.

32. Friedrich 1970, 157–58.

33. There is also a series of folktales in which a fool chops open the trunk of a birch tree and finds treasure there (e.g., Afanas’ev 1984–85 [1873], vol. 3, 128–29).

34. Shein 1898, 344.

35. For example Dmitrieva 1988, 212.

36. Translated from Shein 1898, 346.

37. Dmitrieva (1988, 209–12) suggests that ritual steaming with birch veniki in the bania is connected to ancient worship of a birch-totem. The psychoanalytic theory being offered here would seem to complement this hypothesis because it posits that both the birch tree and the bania are maternal icons tied to sadomasochistic ideas. That is, the hypothesised historical connection is supported by a psychological connection.

38. Dal’ 1955 (1880–82), vol. 1, 45. Cf. Vahros 1966, 25.

39. Illiustrov 1904, 308.

40. Gray 1990, 207.

41. Dal’ 1955 (1880–82), vol. 2, 307.

42. ANSSSR 1950–65, vol. 2, 494.

43. Hubbs 1988, 56.

44. Rank 1964 (1914), 38.

45. For example: Niederland 1956–57; Dundes 1986; Rancour-Laferriere 1993c. For an interesting recent study of water imagery in Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment, see Syrkin 1991.

46. Kabanov 1986, 137.

47. Other places where women would give birth included the peasant hut (sometimes inside of the large stove), a cattle shed or storehouse, or, at harvest time, an open field or woods. Scholars do not always agree on which place was the most commonly used for childbirth. There was, no doubt, much regional variation, with the bania apparently predominating as a birthing site in the more northern and central regions. See: Pokrovskii 1884, 41ff.; Rein 1889, 8ff.; Zelenin 1991 (1927), 319–22; Baiburin 1993, 91; Dunn 1974, 385; Ramer 1978, 229; Ransel 1988, 267.

48. Dal’ 1955 (1880–82), vol. 1, 45.

49. Pokrovskii 1884, 41.

50. Dal’ 1955 (1880–82), vol. 1, 45.

51. Ransel (1991, 116) cites several ethnographic sources on the ritual uncleanliness of birthing mothers. Cf. Pokrovskii 1884, 41–48; Rein 1889, 10; Baiburin 1993, 91ff.

52. Ransel 1991, 116. Cf. Rein 1889, 18.

53. Ambodik 1784, part I, xviii.

54. Sanches 1779, 11ff.

55. Ambodik 1784, part I, xxiii.