The day was Bonaparte's, but only owing to the courage and tenacity displayed by his brother Lucien.
Meanwhile Talleyrand, accompanied by Roederer, de Mon-trond and Roger, had driven the few miles to Melun. He had had the foresight to arrange with a Madame Simons, a charming ex-actress who had married well and was an ex-mistress of his, to provide them with dinner at her pretty little house there. It had been a long and trying day. While others still argued about formalities in the chilly corridors at St. Cloud or wandered disconsolate in the woods, the arch-conspirators warm and cosy in the soft candlelight, with fine wine, well-chosen dishes and a pretty woman for hostess, proceeded to enjoy themselves.
The coup of the 18th Brumaire had infinitely more far-reaching results than any of the conspirators intended. Their aim had been to overthrow the Directory and make certain adjustments to the existing Legislature. Not only did it result in the abolition of the Directory but of the two Chambers as well. That fact was not immediately understood but, even had it been, all the best elements of the French nation would have approved. They were utterly weary of being ruled by Assemblies composed mainly of soapbox orators and cunning lawyers, with temperaments that ranged from those of incompetent idealists to tyrannical murderers. They wanted a strong and stable Government, led by a practical man; and now they had it. Even had they known that for the next fifteen years the ' Will of the People', to establish which the Revolution had been brought about, was to be ignored by a dictator, it is probable that the bulk of the nation would still have been prepared to accept that as the price for the restoration of a reasonable degree of freedom and religious toleration, the protection of private property, justice in the Courts and a stable financial situation.
Owing to the coup having been spaced over forty-eight hours it had been within an ace of failure, but once accomplished it was accounted a triumph. No blood had been spilt and all the actions taken had at least a semblance of legality. By the adjourne-ment of the Chambers until February 20th, which was followed by the arrest of fifty-seven prominent Jacobin Deputies, all opposition had been crushed and the rejoicing throughout Paris was almost universal.
On the day following the coup the three Provisional Consuls occupied the apartments at the Luxembourg vacated by the Directors. For the time being they enjoyed equal powers: but it was soon agreed that Bonaparte should handle all administrative matters, with the assistance of two Committees each of twenty-five members elected from the two Chambers, while Sieyes drafted the new Constitution. Fouche was, of course, retained as Minister of Police. Berthier took over the War Office and Gaudin, a Deputy who had spent most of his life in the Treasury and was a highly competent man, was made Minister of Finance. For the time being, Talleyrand remained in the background but was in constant touch with Bonaparte.
During the remainder of November and the first three weeks of December, Bonaparte and Sieyes met daily to discuss the many articles in the proposed Constitution. Fundamentally their ideas on the subject had little in common; but the General was clever enough to continue to flatter the ex-Abbe, and so succeeded in getting included the clauses he considered essential. The most important of these was that, instead of appointing a Grand Elector as the Head of State, as Sieyes's wished, one of the three Consuls should act in that capacity with very extensive powers, while the other two would be little more than his advisers.
Meanwhile, they added considerably to their popularity by annulling the terrible Law of Hostages; sending General Hedou-ville, who had assisted Hoche to pacify the Vendee, back there to pacify it again; authorizing the return to France of every proscribed person who had been condemned to transportation without trial, and repealing laws which imposed crippling burdens of taxation.
Throughout these weeks Roger continued his duties as one of Bonaparte's aides-de-camp with as much patience as he could muster. For better or for worse, he had made his contribution to the present state of things; but as yet there was no point in his slipping off to London and confessing to Mr. Pitt that he had flagrantly disobeyed his orders. The fact that the Directory had been overthrown would have reached the Prime Minister within a few day of its happening. What he would want to know was what changes in French foreign policy, if any, were likely to result from it, and whether the new Constitution was likely to restore France to stability. Roger could make no assessment of that until it was known who was to wield almost dictorial powers by being appointed First Consul, and that still hung in the balance.
It was not until December 22nd that the notables assembled in the Luxembourg to vote on this momentous issue. Puffed up with vanity, Sieyes had all along visualized himself in the role of First Consul, and it was that which had caused him to agree that the other two should have no power of veto and be virtual nonentities.
Feeling quite sure of himself Sieyes opened the meeting with an address in which he dwelt on the evils of military Dictatorships and how dangerous it would be to appoint a soldier as First Consul. But Bonaparte had devised a clever trick to outwit him. Before the meeting the wily Corsican had told his supporters not to form a group, but to scatter themselves about the hall. Then, when he took Siey&s's hand, they were to give a loud cry of ' Bonaparte! '
As Sieyes brought his address to an end, Bonaparte stepped up to him with a smile and said, 'Let us have no difference of opinion, my friend. I vote for you. For whom do you vote? '
Sieyes, thinking that Bonaparte's vote put his own election beyond all question, replied, out of politeness, 'I vote for you.'
Bonaparte put out his hand, Sieyes took it. Instantly, from all parts of the hall, there were loud cries of 'Bonaparte! Bonaparte! ' The General's scattered supporters infected their neighbours and in another minute everyone was crying ' Vive Bonaparte!' Thus the wretched Seiyes was discomfited and the Corsican elected First Consul by acclamation.
Sieyes, almost speechless and half out of his mind with rage, refused the honourable post of Second Consuclass="underline" so the Committees elected Cambaceres in this capacity and Lebrun as Third Consul. On the following day Bonaparte, whose word had now become, for all practical purposes, law, sent Reinhard as Ambassador to the Helvetic Republic and handed the portfolio of Foreign Minister back to Talleyrand.
Had Seiyes become First Consul, Bonaparte might well have decided, rather than remain as little more than a cipher in Paris, to take supreme command in the war against Austria. Sieyes would gladly have got rid of him at that price. Then the Jacobins would have striven again to impose their rule of Terror and the Royalists plotted again to bring about a Restoration. Once more the future would have been in the melting pot; but with Bonaparte as Head of State, firmly supported by Talleyrand and Fouchk, Roger could go back to England and report that the Revolution was over.
Now that the situation had clarified, his longing to get home became almost unbearable, and he saw no reason why he should not set out almost immediately. He had only to tell Bonaparte that the winter weather was again affecting his, mythically, weak chest to be given leave to go to his little chateau in the south of France. He could then set out in that direction, make a detour that would bring him to one of the Normandy ports and pay a smuggler well to run him across the Channel. As it was already the 23rd he could not get home for Christmas, but he should be able to do so well before the New Year.