The policy of national oppression does not even stop with crushing dependent nations, but also in many instances turns into a policy of pitting nations one against the other. In this way, the seeds of enmity are sown among toilers of various nationalities. The ruling classes of dominant nations that “divide” workers and toilers in this way find it easier to rule.
The national movement of the oppressed nation, since one aspect of it is directed towards the policy of national oppression of the dominant nation, serves to secure unity between workers and toilers of various nationalities, the free development of the moral strength of the workers and toilers of the oppressed nation and the removal of obstacles preventing this.
Comrade Lenin says the following:
The bourgeois nationalism of any oppressed nation has a general democratic content that is directed against oppression, and it is this content that we unconditionally support. At the same time, we strictly distinguish it from the tendency towards national exclusiveness.[43]
But in no national movement do the demands of that nation’s bourgeoisie and landlords stop at the removal of national oppression and the equality of nationalities. Now let us go to the next point.
10. Within the Kurdish national movement, the “positive” actionof the bourgeoisie and small landlords aiming to strengthennationalism
In general in every national movement, and in particular in the Kurdish national movement, the fundamental objective of the bourgeoisie is to secure its own superiority: to dominate the market, to monopolize the mineral wealth in its region, etc., to secure privilege and inequality for its own benefit and to guarantee its own national development. The bourgeoisie and – to the degree they participate in the national movement – the landlords, demand privilege and inequality for their own benefit. They wish to usurp the democratic rights of other nations to their advantage. They wish to implement national oppression towards those who are weaker than themselves. They wish to separate the proletarians of nations from one another with national fences and to ensure that their own proletarians and other toilers unconditionally support their nationalistic aims. They want to replace the democratic international culture of the proletariat with their own national culture, to develop this national culture (that is, the dominant bourgeois culture), to nourish the proletariat and toilers with this culture, and by so doing make them unconditional supporters of their own class ambitions. The bourgeoisie and landlords resist the historical tendency for nationalities to coalesce and separate from forced assimilation. They resist this natural assimilation and natural disappearance of national differences they resist the unification of proletarians from every nationality in the state in the same organizations, wishing to separate them according to their nationalities and to unite their own proletarians in “national organizations” instead of class organizations in order to further their own class ambitions.
Today it is impossible to fail to notice, alongside the general democratic character within the Kurdish national movement, reactionary ambitions aiming to strengthen nationalism similar to that above. These ambitions are those of the bourgeoisie and the landlords leading the Kurdish national movement.
The Safak Revisionists have entirely put aside the “positive” action of the bourgeoisie and landlords within the Kurdish national movement aiming to strengthen nationalism. According to the Safak Revisionists, the movement developing in Turkey Kurdistan is not a national movement with its progressive and reactionary aspects, but an entirely popular movement against a policy of national oppression and assimilation for democratic rights, the equality of nationalities and their self-determination (!). Thus, the Safak Revisionists support the nationalist and anti-proletarian ambitions and efforts of the Kurdish bourgeoisie and small landlords, sabotaging the unity of the two peoples by joining the Kurdish proletariat and toilers with the Kurdish bourgeoisie and small landlords. The Turkish nationalist line of Safak Revisionism has become reconciled with Kurdish nationalism.
To sum up, as in all national movements, the Kurdish national movement has two aspects.
The first is its general democratic content, opposing the national oppression, privileges, a monopoly on establishing a State, and repression and persecution of the Turkish bourgeoisie and landlords.
Second, the reactionary content aims to strengthen Kurdish nationalism and thus to realize the dominance and privileges of the Kurdish bourgeoisie and landlords.
11. What should the attitude of the class-conscious proletariat of Turkey be to the Kurdish national movement?
Firstly, let us point out that the conscious proletariat of Turkey, regardless of nationality, will not take its place under the standard of bourgeois nationalism. Again, in the words of Comrade Stalin:
The class-conscious proletariat has its own tried banner and has no need to rally to the banner of the bourgeoisie.[44]
Secondly, the conscious proletariat of Turkey regardless of nationality, will endeavor to gather the workers and peasant masses around its own flag and will lead the class struggle of all toiling classes. Taking the Turkish State as a basis, it will unite the workers and toilers from all nations in Turkey in joint class organizations.
Thirdly, the conscious proletariat of Turkey, regardless of nationality, will unconditionally support the Kurdish national movement’s opposition to the oppression, persecution and privileges of the Turkish ruling classes and general democratic content aiming to remove national oppression and for the equality of nations. It will also definitely and unconditionally support similar movements of other oppressed nationalities.
Fourthly, the conscious proletariat of Turkey, regardless of nationality, will remain completely impartial in regards to the bourgeoisie and landlords of various nationalities waging a struggle for their own dominance and privileges. The conscious proletariat of Turkey will never support the tendency within the Kurdish national movement aiming to strengthen Kurdish nationalism and will never assist bourgeois nationalism; it will definitely not support the struggle of the Kurdish bourgeoisie and landlords for their own dominance and privileges. That is, it will only support the general democratic content within the Kurdish national movement and not go beyond that.
I hope that, in order to get a better grasp of the question, the readers will put up with us quoting at length from Comrade Lenin:
The principle of nationality is historically inevitable in bourgeois society and, taking this society into due account, the Marxist fully recognizes the historical legitimacy of national movements. But to prevent this recognition from becoming an apologia of nationalism, it must be strictly limited to what is progressive in such movements, in order that this recognition may not lead to bourgeois ideology obscuring proletarian consciousness. [my emphasis]
The awakening of the masses from feudal lethargy, and their struggle against all national oppression, for the sovereignty of the people, of the nation, are progressive. Hence, it is the Marxist’s bound duty to stand for the most resolute and consistent democratism on all aspects of the national question. This task is largely a negative one. But this is the limit the proletariat can go to in supporting nationalism, for beyond that begins the “positive” activity of the bourgeoisie striving to fortify nationalism. [my emphasis]