“I’ve heard that’s happened a few times in Russia too,” Kold’s voice became sarcastic. “How many of your emperors didn’t live long enough to become old in the last two hundred and fifty years? Four?”
“Three,” the Lawyer smiled. “Paul I, Alexander II and Nicholas II. Though, if you count Peter III, then indeed there were four. As for English history, apart from the execution of Charles I after at least a parody of a court, there’ve been many similar things. How about Edward II killed with a red-hot poker up his back passage? So I would argue with English people on how law-abiding they are. But you Americans don’t take part in this argument.”
“That is because in our political system the power gets passed on painlessly by the establishment and the new administration doesn’t chop the heads off to the old one.”
“Dear Mr. Kold,” the Lawyer allowed himself some sarcasm too, “Today in this room we heard the words: ‘This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their ‘constitutional’ right of amending it or their ‘revolutionary’ right to dismember or overthrow it’ (Lincoln’s inaugural address, 1861). You understand that these lines potentially contain more scaffolds and axes than the whole of English and Russian history put together?”
“Whose fault is it that we’ve became rams… I will quote Dostoevsky again,” Kold closed his eyes to try to remember the words. But he quickly snapped his fingers and almost shouted: “‘Power is given only to those who dare to bend and pick it up. But there’s only one thing, just one: dare!’”
The Lawyer didn’t think it appropriate to pursue this slippery subject, especially because the end of the break was just being announced at the White House.
The second part of the briefing began with a detailed question from a grey-haired man in glasses:
“‘Jay, you said Mr. Kold is not a whistleblower. But how about the fact that the House of Representatives voted for these programs and came close, it seems, to reducing them. During the hearings this week, the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee Patrick Lee cast doubt on them. And today, the president is meeting a group of legislators in White House, some of who also doubt these programs. So is it possible that Mr. Kold has in some sense done a service to the American people and to the nations of the world by declassifying these programs, if you take into consideration the public indignation they have provoked?’”
“The first proper question!” Kold moved forward, staring at the screen.
“‘When a man gives an oath to keep the secrets of the United States, he has to keep them – and if he doesn’t then appropriate consequences come,’” Sarney was looking over the heads of the journalists. “‘There are also established procedures for potential whistleblowers, for those who wish to give information about a violation. An unauthorized disclosure of classified information can bring great harm to the interests of our national security.’”
“Is that all he can say?” Kold was sincerely surprised. “Where did this guy come from anyway? I wouldn’t trust him to advertise popcorn in a cinema.”
The grey gentleman persisted:
“‘But if he hadn’t publicised these programs, then people would never have known about them. And we would not be discussing them today. And he would still be in the United States. But he dared to do it. He revealed these programs.’”
Sraney looked annoyed but his voice came out evenly and without emotion:
“‘Yes, we’ve found out much from this unauthorized disclosure of classified information. But even so, these programs were already being discussed and controlled by Congress and the courts, and they already contain protective elements to balance security and privacy. And the President has made it very clear that he wishes to achieve this balance. He supports this balance, considers that this balance has been found and he also thinks that there should be a discussion about these problems. And that is what he’s engaged in now.
‘Today, as you probably know, he is meeting with members of Congress – the Senate and the House of Representatives, both Republicans and Democrats, to discuss these problems. Among the participants invited there are congressmen critical of the programs we discussed in sections 215 and 702 of the Surveillance Act.”
“Demagogy!” Kold shouted. “Ah, how I would liked to tell them in person. Vile hypocrites!”
“You will have this opportunity,” the Lawyer said quietly.
“‘Without doubt, our intelligence services require adequate instruments to protect our national interests, to protect us from possible attacks,’” Sarney continued, “‘And, I assume, the majority of Americans will agree with them.
“‘We also develop these programs in such a way that we lay in various safety elements and a multi-layer control system to guarantee that they do not violate the right of American citizens to privacy. This is the balance about which the President speaks. And this is the balance which underpins the implementation of these programs. With the agreement of the acting administration, the Department of National Intelligence has made efforts to declassify a significant amount of information after Kold’s leaks. And I am certain that this process will continue. But I don’t think that we can responsibly state that these programs, intended to protect us from terrorist acts, are not needed right now.’”
“‘So the President thinks that these programs should have been kept secret?’” the correspondent asked.
“‘Again, you’re mixing different problems. The fact that the Patriot Act and FISA are confirmed is well known. Congress is aware of these documents. The general public also knew about them. Certainly, there are details in these programs which the public has discovered as a result of the leaks. But the President is convinced that it’s unacceptable to make extremely sensitive classified information public, because it can harm interests in our national security, and already has. It can endanger our citizens.’”
“He is wriggling like an eel in a fishing basket!” Kold noted with satisfaction, then turned to the Lawyer: “Although I have to admit that your analogy of the snake and the frying pan is better.”
“I don’t envy him,” the Lawyer grinned. “You have made him sweat, Mr. Kold.”
“Though who would envy me,” Kold answered in annoyance, drumming his fingers on the table. “God knows, I didn’t want this sort of fame and would’ve preferred the whole story not to have any publicity. I cannot imagine how they figured out it was me so quickly?”
“By using the same programs you informed Greywald about,” the Lawyer suggested.
“Then in my case, they’ve worked extra efficiently…”
At that moment, another question came:
“‘Republican Senator Graham has called the release of Joshua Kold a change in the rules of the game in Russian-American relations. Has it really gone that far?’”
Sarney sighed:
“‘I’ve already said quite clearly that we are deeply disappointed by the fact that the Russian authorities made this step, contrary to our clear and legitimate demand made at official levels and during private conversations to expel Kold from Russia and return him to the USA. Again, as I said before, I’m not going to make any guesses about the result of our discussions with Russian official representative on this and other questions currently on the negotiating table, except to say that we are deeply disappointed with the turn of the events. Thank you, ladies and gentlemen! Goodbye.’”
And without looking at the audience, Sarney quickly left the stage.
The Lawyer switched the TV off.