«But you are thinking,» said Aaron Green, looking not at Madison but at Knapp. «You are using your imagination. Our ‘elected representative’ reacts only to ‘preposterous.’»
«For good and sufficient reasons!» snapped Alan Knapp. «He has no political experience; he’s not even a registered member of either party!»
«Eisenhower had no experience,» replied Green. «And both parties tried to recruit him.»
«He has no stature.»
«Who had less at the beginning than Harry Truman?» rejoined the Jew.
«Eisenhower had worldwide exposure, popularity. Truman grew in the job he inherited. Irrelevant examples.»
«Exposure’s no problem today, Senator,» interjected Hamilton with his prepossessing calm. «There are thirteen months before the national conventions, eighteen before the election. Within that period of time, I daresay, Andrew Trevayne could be merchandised with extraordinary effect. He has all the qualifications for maximum results… The key is not political experience or affiliation—actually, their absence could be an advantage; nor is it his current stature—which, incidentally, may be more than you think, Senator. Neither is it that abstraction, popularity… It’s voting blocs. Before and after whatever convention we decide to enter. And Genessee Industries will deliver those blocs.»
Knapp started to speak several times but stopped, as though rethinking his thoughts, trying to find the words to convey his bewilderment. At last he spread his hands down on the glass-topped table; it was a gesture of super-imposing control on himself. «Why? Why in God’s name would you do it, even consider it?»
«Now you are thinking, ‘elected representative.’» Aaron Green patted the back of Knapp’s left hand. The Senator drew it off the table quickly.
«Put simply, Senator, it’s our judgment that Trevayne would make an extremely competent President. Perhaps even a brilliant one. He would, after all, have the time to pursue those aspects of the office few presidents in this century have been afforded. Time to reflect, concentrate on the nation’s foreign relationships, its negotiations and long-range policies… Has it ever occurred to you why we are constantly being outflanked by our global adversaries? It’s quite simple, you know. We expect far too much of the single man sitting in the Oval Office. He’s torn in a thousand directions. He has no time to think. The Frenchman Pierre Larousse, I believe, said it best in the nineteenth century… Our form of government is superb, with one significant imperfection. Every four years we must elect God as our President.»
Walter Madison watched Hamilton closely. As a good attorney he had spotted the quantum jump, and it wasn’t in his training to let it slide by. «Ian, do you think for one minute Trevayne would accept the condition that the majority of domestic problems be handled outside the decision sphere of the presidency?»
«Certainly not.» Hamilton smiled. He accepted the forensic challenge. «Because the majority wouldn’t be problems. Put another way, major problems wouldn’t be allowed to develop, to the degree heretofore experienced. Questions of domestic irritation are something else again. Every President delegates them and makes the proper palliative statements. They’re not time-consuming, and they allow for leadership exposure.»
«You know you haven’t really answered my question, Mr. Hamilton.» Knapp got up from his chair and went to the brandy. «It’s one thing to say a man will make a President. Good, bad, or brilliant, it’s the making that counts first … It’s something else again to select this or that specific individual as your chosen candidate. That choice has to reflect something other than idealistic appraisal. Under the circumstances, given someone who’s displayed such determination to be his own man, I still want to know why it’s Trevayne… Yes, Mr. Green, I think it’s preposterous!»
«Because when all the fancy talk is finished, Mr. Elected Representative, we have no choice.» Green turned in his chair and looked up at Knapp. «You’d like better so preposterous an idea that you’re run out of office for a thief.»
«My record is spotless.»
«Your associations aren’t so clean. Take my word.» Green turned back to the table and with his trembling hand reached for his cold coffee.
«Such talk is pointless,» said Hamilton, for the first time showing anger. «Trevayne would not have been chosen—and you know this, Aaron—if we felt he wasn’t qualified. It’s been established that he’s an extraordinary executive; that’s exactly what the presidency requires.»
Knapp returned to the table as Aaron Green looked at Hamilton and spoke softly, with immense feeling. «You know what I require. Nothing else concerns me, or will ever concern me. I want no peddlers to interfere with that. Strength. That’s all.»
Walter Madison watched the old man and thought he understood. He’d heard rumors that Green had quietly financed training camps for the Jewish Defense League. He knew now they weren’t just rumors. But Madison was disturbed. He turned to Hamilton, cutting off Knapp, who was about to speak.
«Obviously Andrew hasn’t been approached. What makes you think he’ll accept? Personally, I don’t think he will.»
«No man of talent and vanity turns his back on the presidency. Trevayne has both. And he should have. If the talent’s authentic, the vanity must follow.» Hamilton answered Madison but included Knapp. «At first, his reaction will be no different from the Senator’s. Preposterous. We’ll expect that. But within a matter of days he will be shown graphically, professionally, that it is a feasible concept, that it’s really within his grasp… Spokesmen for labor, the business community, the sciences, will be brought to him. Leading political figures from all sections of the country will telephone him, letting him know that they are most interested—not committed, but interested—in the possibility of his candidacy. From these exploratory confrontations will emerge a practical campaign strategy. Aaron’s agency will assume responsibility.»
«Have assumed it,» said Green. «Already three of my most trusted people are working behind tight-shut doors. All are the very best, and each knows if there’s a leak, he’ll never work again except maybe in a ditch.»
Knapp’s astonishment grew in proportion to the extraordinary information. «You’ve actually begun all this?»
«It is our function to stay well ahead of tomorrow, Senator,» answered Hamilton.
«You can’t possibly guarantee that labor, business, political leaders … will agree.»
«We can, and those we’ve reached have. They’ve been contacted in utter sincerity; they’ve been sworn to confidence until told otherwise. They are part of a grass-roots groundswell. In many instances, they’re most enthusiastic.»
«It’s … it’s …»
«We know, preposterous.» Green completed Knapp’s exclamation. «You think Genessee Industries is managed by Washington bureaucrats? By idiots? We’re talking about two or three hundred people, maybe a few mayors, governors; our payrolls are several thousand times that.»
«What about the House, the Senate? Those are—»
«The House is under control,» interrupted Hamilton. «The Senate?… That’s why you’re here tonight.»
«Me?»
Knapp’s hands were once more back on the glass-topped table in front of him.
«Yes, Senator.» Hamilton spoke with calm conviction. «You’re a dedicated member of the Club. You’ve also got the reputation of a skeptic. I’ve seen in print where you’ve been called the ‘unpredictable skeptic of the Senate.’ You’re going to be our key man in the cloakroom.»
«Otherwise,» added Aaron Green with a gesture, «poof!»