Interestingly, the first hour of the event was externally electronically jammed by “someone outside the Press Club,” according to Internet hosting company Connect Live. Sources later confirmed that this was an electronic warfare jamming of the broadcast.
Senior producers at two Big Media networks, who had been briefed in advance and were planning major exposés in their newsmagazine programs, later told me that they were not allowed to go forward with their investigations or broadcast the programs. When I asked why, they simply said, “They just won’t let us do it.” And when I asked who are “they” I was told, “Dr. Greer, you know who they are…”
Indeed.
Richard Doty was a Special Agent for Counterintelligence for the Air Force Office of Special Investigations (AFOSI). For over eight years, he was specifically tasked with the UFO/Extraterrestrial issue at Kirtland Air Force Base in New Mexico, and also at Nellis Air Force Base (the so-called Area 51), and at other locations.
Some of the other things that we did in counterintelligence to protect a base was to recruit people outside the base to report into the base. When I was at Kirtland, we had a whole group of what we called “swindlers” who could recruit anybody. And they went out and primarily recruited press people, because they’re the ones who are going to know things first. So every news agency, every television and radio station in the Albuquerque-Santa Fe area, had our snitches in there.
We had a woman who was recruited out of a local station here in Albuquerque who went on to work for the national affiliate―NBC―and she told us everything. We didn’t handle her; somebody out of Washington handled her. But she would tell us things that were going to happen.
These type of “assets” could stop stories from coming out. And it wasn’t just UFOs. It was anything that pertained to the Air Force or military or the security of the base or spying or anything like that. If they heard something they thought would be interesting and we needed to know, they’d let us know. We also had the high level producers and directors who could help keep something from being broadcast.
We paid them good money. One of the reasons you get the people is you pay them, and we paid them in cash. There’s a form you give them… I think it’s anything over fifty dollars they had to sign for. Some of these cash payments were large. We’d tell them, “You’ve got to report this to the IRS.” Of course, you’re not going to give your form to the IRS, but you don’t tell them that.
We always had money. We had different funding sites. If you were doing an operation―say, a counterintelligence operation―and you needed $5,000, then they would give us a number. Okay, it’s under this site and somebody would deposit it in a bank here and we would use that money; or they would give us vouchers or something to that effect. But there would be different funding sources. I’m not sure where they came from. I’m sure it was all government funding; some place up there. Congress appropriates the funds and there’s a lot of black projects and black funding, so I’m sure we got a piece of that.
As for the funding mechanism of these special access projects and operations―that’s all done at the upper level… far above my pay grade. I wouldn’t know about that.
Daniel Sheehan, Attorney. As an associate under Floyd Abrams in the First Amendment Division, he represented NBC News and the New York Times. He was also one of the defense attorneys for the New York Times in the Pentagon Papers case, one of the trial lawyers in F. Lee Bailey’s office representing James McCord in the Watergate burglary defense, and was chief counsel in the Karen Silkwood case.
Can the government keep a secret? Can they keep a story out of the mainstream media?
I was chief counsel in the Karen Silkwood case against the Kerr McGee Nuclear facility in Oklahoma. The public never knew they were smuggling 98 % pure bomb-grade plutonium out of that private nuclear facility to Israel, Iran, South Africa and Brazil. The fact of the matter is that that information was known to the Central Intelligence Agency that was facilitating the Israeli desk of the Operations Directors. And I personally communicated this information to Peter D.H. Stockton, who was the chief investigator for the House Commerce Committee/Sub-committee on Energy and Environment. He personally communicated to Congressman John Dingle. Dingle confronted the then Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Stansfield Turner, and demanded they conduct an investigation. They conducted an investigation and confirmed that it was true, and they still never told the American public about it― absolute, total abrogation of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty that the United States is a major signatory to.
The New York Times wouldn’t print it, even if they knew about it. The Central Intelligence Agency and the National Security Agency have individuals actually placed inside every major national news media in the United States. In fact, I have seen a classified document that says that, as of 1990 when I saw that document, they had forty-two separate full-time, full-paid Central Intelligence Agency, NSA, and Military intelligence officers on the payroll of the top ten major news media outlets in the United States whose job it was to keep any national security information from being published. So I know that’s true, and I’ve talked to them right across the table. And they’ve acknowledged to me that that’s what they are and that’s what they do, because they spiked one of the stories we had during the Iran Contra thing. Time Magazine had a guy who was a full-time Central Intelligence Agency operative.
The true free press thing is a self-constructed myth. Keith Schneider, reporter for the New York Times during the Iran Contra events, gave all the data to them… the tail numbers on the airplanes, the drug smuggling operations; everything that they were doing. Keith Schneider told me personally, “You know, Dan, we at the New York Times have very good sources inside the intelligence community.” And I said, “Yes, Keith. You’re talking to the guy who was general counsel for the Times. We’re the ones who got the affidavits from Teddy Sorenson.”
He said, “Well, frankly, our sources in the intelligence community won’t confirm your story, so the New York Times won’t print it.”
That’s the type of free press you’ve got in the United States right now.
John Callahan, former Division Chief of the Accidents and Investigations Branch of the FAA in Washington, D.C.
This incident took place in 1986 and began with a phone call from the people in Alaska. He says, “We got a problem here, the whole office is full of media and I don’t know what to tell them. Last week we had a UFO chase a 747 across the skies up here for about thirty minutes or so. Apparently, the word got out and we have all these news people here and we want to know what to tell them.”
Being an old government employee, I told him what you always tell him, that it’s under investigation and then get all that data together. I told him I wanted all the discs and tapes they had available flown overnight to the [FAA] tech center in Atlantic City.