“Other scandals. You must tell me the truth you know, Mr. Disraeli.”
“Exactly, Ma'am. Your Majesty is too wise and the situation too delicate for us to mince our words. The fact is that Churchill says he wants the divorce stopped. He is a hot-headed idiot, as indiscreet as a man can be. He wants the Prince to stop the divorce. He says that he must use his influence with Aylesford and stop him proceeding further.”
“But why draw in the Prince?”
“Churchill resents what the Prince said about his brother. He says the Churchill family honor is at stake. He is a wild, impetuous young man, capable of any folly in the heat of anger; the sort who can do a great deal of harm. He has already sought an interview with the Princess of Wales.”
“Surely not! Oh, my poor Alexandra! It is bad enough for her to know of the Prince's… activities… but to be drawn into this!”
“It was a ridiculous thing to do, but then Churchill is ridiculous.”
“Why go to the Princess?”
“He wants her to impress on the Prince that he must forbid Aylesford to start divorce proceedings.”
“But what has the Prince to do with this?”
“Ma'am, according to Churchill, the Prince has written letters to Lady Aylesford. When Aylesford threatened divorce, she gave these letters to Blandford. They are now in Churchill's possession and if Aylesford goes through with the divorce, the letters written by the Prince will be handed to the Press.”
“This is terrible.”
“I fear it is a little unpleasant.”
“It reminds me of my Uncle George. He was always in difficulties with women and there were letters.”
“It may well be that the letters are quite innocent.”
I looked at him helplessly. “Churchill says that if these letters are published the Prince will never be able to sit on the throne.”
I felt limp with exhaustion. If only Albert were here. He would know what to do. But if he were, how unhappy he would be! Perhaps I should be glad that he was not here…to suffer this.
What an unpleasant situation! Churchill was adamant. I had never liked him. I would never receive him at Court—not him nor his American wife.
I knew it was useless to rage against them and I knew, too, however innocent Bertie's part in all this—and I could hardly believe it was—the Press and public would make him appear guilty—and that was just as bad as though he were.
What fools young men were, writing letters to women! One would have thought that they would have learned from the example of others— but they never seemed to.
I was comforted to have Disraeli there. I felt that if anyone could bring us out of this unsavory matter, he could.
“Will you leave this to me, Ma'am?” he asked.
“Most willingly, my dear friend,” I told him.
How clever he was! I know that he worked indefatigably for my good. He told me that he had approached Lord Hardwicke and impressed on him the danger of the situation and Lord Hardwicke had seen the point and promised to do what he could.
I am sure it was due to Disraeli's efforts that we came out of that as well as we did. Between them Lord Hardwicke and Mr. Disraeli managed to get Lord Aylesford to stop proceedings; and by the time Bertie came home, the matter was settled.
But as Disraeli said, there would have been rumors of the affair and it would be as well for Churchill to make an apology to the Prince.
At first Churchill refused to do this, but when his family and friends pointed out that he would be ruined at Court if he did not, he complied.
Bertie accepted the apology but Lord and Lady Randolph thought it necessary to travel abroad for a while and Bertie vowed that when he came back he would not receive him.
So another unsavory matter was brought to an end.
Dear, clever Mr. Disraeli.
HE WAS SUCH a brilliant statesman. His Indian policy had brought about what he so ardently desired. I was created Empress of India. How proud he was! Of course the Opposition had done their best to prevent this; and Disraeli had to compromise to a certain extent by assuring them that the title would only be used for matters dealing with India.
I was worried about him for his health was not of the best, and I insisted on bestowing a peerage on him and he became Lord Beaconsfield.
He had induced me to appear a little more in public and I had found the experience quite pleasurable. We had worked together over the Ashanti War and when it was over I had reviewed the soldiers, sailors, and marines, distributing medals. I attended a concert at the Royal Albert Hall and inspected the wonderful Memorial—so beautifully elaborate with its large gilded figure of Albert in the center.
There was trouble in Europe that made us very watchful. It was like the Crimean War all over again. Turkey and the Balkans were at loggerheads and Russia was threatening to come in.
Disraeli followed in Lord Palmerston's footsteps. He said that our interests in India and everywhere dictated that Turkey must not be violated. The Turks behaved with great ferocity in the Balkans and Mr. Gladstone who, a little while before, had announced his retirement came back to fulminate against the Turks because of the atrocities they had committed, and declared he was against any English support for Turkey.
I was furious with Gladstone. Self-righteous and moralizing, he was preventing Disraeli from acting as he thought best. Disraeli was a great enough politician to realize that personal feelings of repugnance must stand aside when the nation's interests were at stake.
Russia must be kept out. I wrote to Alice who was very concerned about the conflict; and she had a meeting with the Tsar at Darmstadt when he assured her that he had no desire to come into conflict with England.
So much for his promise. Russia almost immediately declared war on Turkey and in a short time was victorious.
I was very distressed when the Sultan made an appeal to me to beg the Russians to make lenient peace terms. As if Russia would do that! The terms were harsh and Disraeli suggested that we demand the settlement be agreed by a congress of European states.
This was an alarming situation and we were on the brink of war with Russia. I daresay Gladstone would have retreated; but not Lord Beaconsfield—and I stood firmly with him.
I shall never forget the day when Lord Beaconsfield came to me in a very serious frame of mind.
He said, “We must at all costs prevent Russia from getting a foothold in the south of the Danube.”
I knew what those ominous words “at all costs” meant.
I told him that I felt complete confidence in him and he must take the risk.
He left for Berlin where the conference was to be held and I was greatly disturbed when I heard that he and Prince Gortchakoff had reached deadlock, and Beaconsfield had remarked that if they could not come to an agreement the dispute would have to be settled “by other means.”
I daresay Russia was not so eager to enter into conflict with us as she was with little Turkey; and a compromise was reached. Lord Beaconsfield returned home, bringing with him, as he said, “Peace with honor.”
I was delighted to see him and welcomed him warmly. I was determined that all should know how I appreciated the good work he had done for the country, and I awarded him the Order of the Garter.
I suppose everyone knew of the happy relationship I enjoyed with my Prime Minister. I was certainly seeing more of people and they all knew that I had paid a visit to his country seat at Hughenden when I had planted a tree in honor of the occasion.
With the companionship of Lord Beaconsfield and the faithful attendance of John Brown, I felt I was very fortunate.
LEOPOLD WAS A continual anxiety. He had just recovered from a very bad illness. I was always so worried even if he were only slightly ill. I dreaded that fearful bleeding. He was so reckless. He wanted to live as other people did—and I could understand that, but he assumed a certain indifference to danger, which was very worrying for me.