“So what’s the situation?” Culler asked.
“I am concerned about the security of our agent codenamed Canastilla.”
“Canastilla was the source that provided us with Emilio Reyes’ cell phone number,” Culler explained to Avery.
“We knew from the beginning this was a possibility,” Slayton said. “Only a handful of people would have had access to Emilio Reyes’ travel plans or communications. The FARC Secretariat will realize they have a traitor in their ranks, and it won’t take them long to narrow down the list of suspects. We discussed this before, and your people accepted the risk to Canastilla and agreed to proceed with Phoenix.”
“Indeed, and our concerns are now realized. We’ve started analyzing the computer files recovered from the camp. So far, it is clear that FARC was already suspicious that we have penetrated their organization at the highest levels. And Canastilla was already named and put under watch as a possible suspect even before Operation Phoenix. It seems that Reyes still personally and implicitly trusted Canastilla and used his position and influence to protect Canastilla from investigation. He’s served under Reyes for the better part of the last three years, after all.” Daniel smiled at the irony. “If only Reyes had known.”
“So with Reyes dead,” Culler finished, “the other FARC leaders are going to turn their attention to Canastilla in their inevitable hunt for the spy.”
“I do not want to overreact or take any action prematurely,” Daniel said. “It would be most unfortunate to lose such a uniquely valuable source, but we owe this man a great debt, and we must do everything within our capabilities to bring him out, if and when he appears to be in danger.”
“I agree wholeheartedly,” Slayton said. “I’ve met Canastilla. I’m not going to cut him off and leave him and his family to be tortured and executed by terrorists.”
“He’s your agent,” Culler told Daniel, “so why are we having this conversation? Why am I going to potentially risk one of my people to get your agent out?”
“Canastilla is not my unilateral asset. The DEA played a key role in his operations, and we shared with you everything Canastilla provided us the past ten years. Our respective services share equal responsibility for him.” Daniel paused as he weighed his next words. “Additionally, it may not be suitable for my agency to make the extraction.”
“Oh, why’s that?” asked Culler.
“My superiors hoped to keep this information to themselves, so I will not elaborate in detail, but from examining Reyes’ files, it’s apparent that FARC has its own sources within ANIC.”
Culler exchanged uncomfortable looks with Slayton.
Even Avery sat up a little straighter, stopping in mid-bite of a sandwich, and listened more intently now.
Culler cleared his throat. “It’s a bit disconcerting to think that a terrorist organization can so easily penetrate your agency, Daniel.”
“It is more likely that the source belongs to Venezuelan intelligence, who shares the product with FARC,” Daniel explained, as if that made any difference.
“Regardless,” Culler said, “I’m sure as hell not sending someone into an op that may already be compromised before it even gets off the ground.”
“Nor would I ask you to. We know the source is not someone who was briefed on Operation Phoenix. Reyes would never have gone to that camp if he knew we were preparing to attack, and the Venezuelan military would have been waiting to ambush the assault team. FARC would not have sacrificed someone as senior as Reyes to protect their source.”
“No,” Culler agreed, “but SEBIN wouldn’t think twice about sacrificing Reyes to protect their source in Bogotá. The Venezuelans have stabbed FARC in the back before when it suited their own agenda. The Colombian attack on Venezuelan soil also gives Caracas a nice little international incident to exploit. They’re already complaining at the UN, and they’ve got Russia and China, plus most of Latin America, on their side.”
“Where’s Canastilla based?” Avery asked Daniel, steering the conversation back on topic, at least far as it pertained to him. His body sure as hell wasn’t up for making another trek through the jungle, deep into FARC country.
“Presently, he is at a jungle camp, where he’s unreachable, but he is due back in Panama City in five days. That is when we will have access to him.”
Avery nodded and reached for another sandwich from the tray.
“My superiors and I would be most grateful for any assistance you may offer us in this matter, as will Canastilla and his family,” Daniel told Culler and Slayton.
Culler stood up, and Slayton took his lead, indicating that the meeting was over.
“We will discuss it and look into the options we have at our disposal,” Culler promised Daniel.
“I can’t make guarantees, Daniel,” Slayton added, “but I feel the same way you do. Canastilla has been an invaluable asset and has always been there for us, often at great personal risk. We owe him a free ticket out, but I’ll have to run this up the chain of command.”
Daniel left, and the Americans returned to their seats.
“What do you think?” Culler asked Avery as soon as the doors shut and locked.
“Is this guy Canastilla really as important as everyone’s making him out to be?”
“Absolutely,” Slayton replied. “The intelligence Canastilla has provided has been first rate. Men have died to protect Canastilla’s identity. Look, what I’m about to tell you doesn’t leave this room. The Colombians would have my ass for this. Canastilla is one of their most closely guarded secrets.”
Agent Canastilla’s real name was Pablo Muňoz, a former rifleman in the National Army of Colombia. When he enlisted at age eighteen, he’d never intended to enter the world of espionage and deception. But given the immense difficulty in cultivating informants within FARC, the Colombian security services implemented a clandestine undercover operation, codenamed Deep Sting, to recruit, train, and insert agents into FARC’s Central High Command. Pablo Muňoz, twenty three years old when he was first approached by Daniel, then a DAS case officer, fit the mission profile requirements.
He was an orphaned child, a loner, raised in a peasant family. Although his adoptive parents had connections with the communist party, Muňoz himself remained apolitical, never interested in politics or social issues.
Daniel orchestrated the cover story for Muňoz’s departure from the army. As far as FARC was concerned, as well as official army records — which also documented Muňoz’s very real trouble with authority and run-ins with superior officers, as evidenced by numerous disciplinary demerits — Muňoz deserted shortly after his patrol came across the remains of a tiny village slaughtered by government-supported right-wing death squads.
He travelled alone across the country on foot, hitchhiking, stealing vehicles, and traversing the jungles and mountains, into the deep FARC controlled-territory of the southwest Popayàn, where, wanted by the army and police, he presented himself to the camp commandant as a defector.
The FARC intelligence officers who interrogated him were at first skeptical, but Daniel provided Muňoz with just enough enticing details on troop movements and army operations to capture the Central High Command’s interest and gain their trust.
Muňoz played his part well, and over the next ten years, he rose through the ranks, by far exceeding Daniel’s expectations.
He’d proven his worth and commitment to the Central High Command early on, when he passed the ultimate test by executing a captured army captain, a man he’d once served under. It had been a difficult choice, one which still haunted him to this day, but it was either him or Muňoz, and FARC would have still killed the captain anyway.
Presently, Pablo Muňoz was assigned to the operations staff of the FARC Central High Command. From this position, feeding inside intelligence to ANIC, he was instrumental in the Colombian government’s recent string of victories against FARC, including its campaign of precision air strikes against the FARC leadership. In addition to leading the army to Emilio Reyes, he’d given ANIC the location of Alfonso Cano, commander-in-chief of FARC, who was killed in Operation Odysseus in 2011, still to this day the single biggest blow Bogotá has delivered to FARC.