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The northern axis of the 45th Infantry Division’s attack made good progress. The IIIrd Battalion, having penetrated thick bushes and barbed wire on the high banks of the West Island, pushed on through parkland dotted with buildings burning furiously from the artillery bombardment. The 37mm PAK (anti-tank) guns were manhandled along by crews spearheading and supporting the advance. Presently the pronounced landmark of the Terespol tower, already considerably holed by shellfire, came into view as did also the tall two-storey walls enclosing the citadel. Shortly after 04.00 hours German troops penetrated this inner bastion utilising a dead ground approach enabled by the low north bridge. The flow of the German advance parted either side of the garrison church inside the walls. The northern prong had already pierced the fortress’s keep.

Meanwhile the southern fork of the division’s advance had gained swift admittance to the South Island via the south gate. German machine gun posts were established on the high earth walls that overlooked the island to cover the advance to the Tsar’s Gate, the southern bridge entrance to the citadel. Hermann Wild’s gun crews tore hands and bruised limbs manhandling their 37mm antitank guns onto heavy-duty rubber dinghies. ‘The marshy approaches to the river made it difficult,’ he said, ‘but on the other side it was even worse!’ Terrain east of the River Bug was a morass of water-filled ditches and swamp. ‘In places the anti-tank guns sank up to their axles in mud,’ complained Wild. ‘We were pushed extremely hard to keep the momentum of the advance going.’

Lines of straining infantrymen pulled the PAKs over the high banks and down into the South Island. The wide ‘camp road’ through the middle was strewn with a carpet of leaves and branches scythed down by artillery fire. As they trundled their guns north along this route they passed groups of Russian corpses strewn at the road’s edge. Many wore underclothes or were only partially dressed. ‘The first Russian prisoners came up,’ Wild remembered. ‘They had very few or practically no clothes on at all. One could see they had been totally surprised!’(15) Soon the 37mm guns were in action against light Russian armour.

Further to the south-east the IIIrd Battalion, bypassing the town of Brest, was winding its way around knocked-out obsolete Russian tanks. Counter-attacks by these and light amphibious tanks had either bogged down in the marshy ground or were destroyed by guns. Back at division headquarters, situation reports passed on by these lead units indicated clear success.

Timofei Dombrowski, a Russian machine gunner, excitedly described how ‘again and again huge volumes of fire’ engulfed his unit. ‘The Luftwaffe from above, and at ground level everything that an army had at its disposal – mortars, machine guns – and all at the same time!’ The implication of all this was sinisterly clear.

‘We were positioned directly along the line of the Bug, and we could see the complete advance on the other side, and immediately grasped what that meant. Germans – it was war!’(16)

There were normally 8,000 Soviet soldiers stationed in the fortress of Brest-Litovsk, but only 3,500 were present at the time of the attack. It was a weekend, Sunday morning in peacetime, and many soldiers were on leave.(17)

The fortress was a small community in its own right. Next to the barracks and magazine was a school, a kindergarten and hospitals. Families lived alongside the soldiers. Nikitina Archinowa, the wife of a Russian officer in the Ostfort, remembered:

‘Early in the morning I was woken up with my children by a terrible noise. Bombs and shells were exploding. I ran barefoot with my children into the street. We only had the opportunity to throw on a coat, and what a dreadful scene outside. The sky above the fortress was full of aircraft dropping bombs on us. Totally distracted women and children were rushing about looking for a place to hide from the fire. Before me lay the wife of a lieutenant with her young son; both had been killed.’(18)

The animated rhetoric and suppressed excitement characterising these postwar interviews with Russian eyewitnesses give some indication of the shock, surprise and fear activated by the sudden and unexpected German attack. A Russian policeman at Brest railway station, Nikolai Yangchuk, stated:

‘At 04.00 hours when the German artillery began to fire from behind the Bug, we all reported, as ordered, to the station. Lieutenant Y. gave the orders to distribute weapons and defend the station.’

They moved down to the Bug bridge and saw German troops were bearing down on them. ‘A great avalanche with no start or finish.’ These men appeared lethally bent on their destruction. ‘They had their sleeves rolled up, hand-grenades stuck in belts and machine pistols hanging from their necks or rifles at the ready.’(19) Dombrowski, defending on the river line, declared: ‘some of our people ran away faced with this mass attack’.(20)

Wassilij Timovelich, a Russian engineer, accounted for the apparent ease with which the outer Soviet defences were overrun. ‘Our fortifications were very well built,’ he explained, modelled on their Maginot and Siegfried line predecessors. ‘But the bunkers were not finished, and had yet to be occupied by their military crews.’ The transfer of the Russian border westward into the Polish–Soviet occupation zone in 1939 negated much of the effectiveness of the original Russian frontier defences. Repositioning was still going on. ‘Only 14 cupolas were enclosed by fortifications,’ Timovelich estimated, ‘and patrolling soldiers made certain nobody went inside. But,’ he logically asked, ‘who would want to do so? This was a border area!’ The sector was not on alert. ‘Troops were seldom inside the bunkers,’ because there was no need; consequently, ‘we slept in tents in the summer’. These tents dotted around the defence belt were overrun in the initial German rush. Many of the sleeping soldiers within were killed before they even realised they were at war. Surprise was complete. ‘Soon an intense rate of fire’ raked the unsuspecting bivouacs ‘and bullets went whizzing through the tents. There were many direct hits,’ Timovelich explained. ‘Tents were riddled and human bodies flung out.’ The defenders, confused and befuddled by sleep, had scant opportunity to defend themselves. Nikolai Yangchuk echoed this view:

‘We had too few rifles. A reinforcement of one thousand men suddenly arrived and they were sent into battle. “Don’t we get any rifles?” they asked. “Get to the front,” they were told. “You will find some weapons there”.’