Five and a half minutes later, one of the cross-service tunnels connecting the two main traffic tunnels under the channel began to shake as in an earthquake. Light fixtures popped, cement debris began falling, and there was an enormous rumbling. Seven seconds later a huge, vomiting stream of rolling fire like a napalm bomb roared out of the Chunnel at the Cheriton end. Cars and trucks came spewing out like so many toys as Centrex explosive, together with the NATO-placed wartime contingency explosives, collapsed not only the cross-service and ventilation tunnel but the two main rail tunnels as well, millions of tons of rock and water cascading in.
Over eight hundred people were killed. The newspapers reported that they had been drowned, but Department of Defense coroners ascertained later that most victims had in fact died from the concussion of the explosion even before the tunnel had collapsed.
For days after, bodies were still washing up on the beaches between Folkestone and Dover, many children and pets among them. The minister of transport resigned, and had it not been for the war conditions in Europe, the whole government might have fallen following the informal yet traditional rule of ministerial responsibility. But with the country at war, it was considered essential for national security that the war cabinet stay intact.
In one blow England’s and America’s strategic land link with Europe had been severed.
In Moscow, in STAVKA — the Soviet Supreme High Command — former Colonel, now Brigadier, Kiril Marchenko, at fifty-five, one of the youngest high-ranking officers, was again receiving congratulations, for it had been his plan for SPETS units to sabotage the Chunnel using the “lorry” attack. After Marchenko’s successful suggestion of putting the Far East Fleet to sea in order to stabilize the Sino-Soviet situation around Vladivostok and to dissuade the Taiwanese navy from “adventurism,” Marchenko had risen even higher in the Premier Suzlov’s estimation.
The destruction of the Chunnel would prevent U.S. troops and supplies from disembarking in England and being shuttled to Europe now that Northern Europe’s ports were being closed by the advancing Soviet-Warsaw Pact shock troops, which included Marchenko’s son Sergei at Fulda Gap. But much more important than cutting off the undersea link between Britain and the Continent, the destruction of the Chunnel meant that the vital British oil supplies, particularly Avgas, following refinement of crude from the North Sea, would be cut. The idea had first occurred to Kiril Marchenko when his son Sergei, who was still pressing for a chance to enter the air force’s fighter academy, had pointed out that the American M-1s “proglotal”— “guzzled,” as he put it — two gallons of gasoline per mile; the F-16s, eight gallons a second; and the B-1 bombers burned off twenty-nine gallons every sixty seconds.
The U.S. tanks and those of its NATO allies would soon deplete their one-month reserve stockpiles throughout western Europe. Kiril Marchenko passed Sergei’s figures, though he knew his son was quite wrong about the B-1—it used more than 34.7 gallons a minute — to a colleague in the Soviet Air Force Academy. There was no overt pressure, Marchenko simply mentioning in a conversational tone to the Air Force Academy’s general that his son Sergei was particularly keen on the air force as a career. The general said he’d make a note of it and had Sergei’s initial application pulled from central data bank. Sergei Marchenko, it seemed, had passed all entrance requirements with flying colors except one — the vision in his left eye was slightly deficient and not quite up to the standard for fighter pilots.
“But,” said Kiril Marchenko upon hearing the news, “why didn’t the interviewing board mention this before?” He had a colleague who knew one of the top men in the Moscow Hospital, where they’d pioneered “laser spot surgery” on a mass assembly line — why, the outpatients could even listen to tapes, from Beethoven to heavy rock, as they were operated on. “I did not tell you, Comrade Marchenko,” the general said without a trace of embarrassment, “because then you were only a major in the STAVKA. If there is a possibility, I will let you know.”
In Washington it was 5:30 a.m. and President Mayne was in his smaller West Wing office, which he was using more than the Oval Office for the day-to-day war conferences. He refused to go down into the situation room anymore unless it was absolutely crucial, for no matter how leak-proof he thought his White House staff was, the mere suggestion that the president was retiring to the situation room sent tremors through the country. Neither General Gray nor Trainor liked the room very much, but the president noticed Harry Schuman looked rather comfortable in it. But if so, Harry Schuman’s contented air was about to be ruffled as the President told Gray that, although he had given presidential approval for the Salt Lake City battle group to provide air cover for the airborne attacks on the Korean supply line, under no circumstances was the battle group to support the Taiwanese navy to the south of them.
General Gray did not show it, but he was shocked. “Mr. President, the Taiwanese are superbly equipped. If they start shelling the mainland, they’ll have to protect themselves, and that will bottle up the Chinese nicely. Keep ‘em off our Seventh Fleet’s back while we try to take the pressure off the Yosu-Pusan perimeter.”
Then Mayne astonished not only Gray and Harry Schuman but Trainor as well when he announced, “I’ve put through a call to Beijing this morning, to Premier Lin Zhou, and I told him that despite any Chinese logistical support for North Korea, I would not authorize an attack on Chinese soil if he ceased such logistical support henceforth, nor would I endorse or support any such attack on Chinese soil by the Taiwanese navy, and we would actually oppose, militarily if need by, any such attack by the Taiwanese.”
Gray could no longer maintain the pretense of calm. “Mr. President, I must protest in the strongest possible terms. In my view…” He paused. “Sir, this is, militarily speaking, extremely unsound. Believe me, Mr. President—”
“General, the Soviet Union has over a million crack first-line troops — I repeat, over a million crack troops — all along the Chinese-Soviet border. And ten squadrons of MiG-29s and MiG-25s. Right now that’s just where I want them. Those jets could be in Europe in four hours with or without air refueling, and our boys’ only hope over there is to hang on until we can resupply.” He paused, looking over at Trainor. “How far back now, Bill?”
“Ah, a withdrawal bulge forty miles west at Fulda, Mr. President, thirty miles into the Ruhr and—”
“Deep into Western Germany,” said Mayne. “Now, if we can’t stall them there, General, if we can’t hold till our convoys start pouring in men and material, then we’re up shit creek and we’ve lost Europe. I want you to tell Admiral Horton categorically that the Seventh Fleet must step in and if necessary attack any Taiwanese incursion — air, sea, or amphibious. Lin Zhou has promised me he’ll hold back if we do. He will not cease making public statements about imperialist aggression on our part. But so far, as supplies and men go, he will not reinforce North Korea so long as we hold the Taiwanese in reign. Quid pro quo.”
“Sir,” said Gray, “the Seventh Fleet is about to launch the amphibious attacks on North Korea. It will soon be dusk in the South China Sea.”